If we’re truly honest with ourselves, many of us can imagine a circumstance under which we might kill another person- namely in a situation that calls for saving ourselves, a loved one, or most certainly our own children from a dangerous predator who is an imminent threat. Maybe you can even relate to a person who kills in a fit of rage fueled by passionate emotions- after all, it is quite a human thing to be carried away by an overwhelming emotion and to act impulsively for a moment. However, very few of us can begin to imagine the desire to kill someone else because it brings us pleasure. This is part of why serial killers are so fascinating and terrifying to us- because killing others simply for the fun of it seems so far outside the bounds of normal human desires or potential actions. The majority of us may be willing to kill under certain circumstances, but we still experience reluctance, regret, and remorse at the thought. For serial killers it is often the opposite- they experience joy and the urge to repeat the event, perhaps improving upon their past experiences. So what causes a human being to think and act so far outside normal human boundaries?

Nature vs. Nurture 

There has long been a debate about whether violent criminals are born that way or if they are made through their environments and exposure to trauma. As far as I can tell, the truth is, both. Research points to psychopathic brain wiring being something a person is born with. We are all born with our unique combination of strengths and deficits- some of us being born with more or less capacity for empathy and more or less propensity toward risk-taking and impulsivity. Research shows that there are brain differences in psychopathic adults and children with the precursor callous-unemotional traits. (De Brito, et al., 2021). On the other hand, I have not heard of a single violent offender who did not have some sort of trauma in their history (with the exception of those who have an organic mental illness), indicating that it plays a role in the development of anti-social and violent tendencies. Ressler, Burgess, & Douglas, explain that it’s not just the trauma- it’s the fact that the child is left without support after the trauma (1992). Here’s the kicker though- most psychopaths are not violent and many of us have experienced trauma and have no desire to harm others, so what magic cocktail gets shaken up to create a serial violent offender?

Trauma

Is there a type of trauma that is more likely to result in anti-social behavior patterns? Is there a type of trauma that’s worse than another type? According to Dr. Bruce Perry (2021), all trauma is actually interpreted the same way in the brain- so emotional abuse and/or neglect is just as impactful as physical or sexual abuse.

Muddying the Waters

Did you know that not all serial killers are psychopaths? Even not all sexually violent murderers are psychopaths, although they almost certainly score higher on the Hare Psychopathy Checklist than an average non-violent person. According to De Brito et al (2021), you need a score of 30 or more on the psychopathy scale to qualify as a psychopath. Most people in prison score around 20, and the average citizen with no criminal history scores 4 or less. So, if not psychopathic, why would somebody kill other people in a series? Some of them are mentally ill and believe they must kill others for a particular reason. For example, Richard Trenton Chase thought his blood was turning to dust and that he had to drink the blood of others to save himself. Truly mentally ill serial killers are rare, therefore we will focus mainly on legally sane individuals who may or may not be psychopaths. 

When we think about someone who kills for pleasure, our minds often jump to the classic image of a remorseless psychopath or someone completely detached from reality. But here’s the truth: not all serial killers fit neatly into those categories. Some are neither clinically psychopathic nor diagnosably mentally ill. And that might be the most chilling kind of offender—because they often fly under the radar. So why would a “regular” person kill for pleasure? Pleasure doesn’t always mean joy. In these cases, “pleasure” might mean:

• A sense of power or mastery that the person never had before
• The thrill of control, secrecy, or domination
  
• Emotional relief—an outlet for rage, shame, or helplessness
  
• The satisfaction of acting out a long-nurtured fantasy
  
• Even sexual arousal, conditioned over time through thoughts or media
  

Let’s be clear: these people may still know what they’re doing is wrong. They may even feel guilt or struggle with shame. But the emotional payoff—however fleeting—is strong enough to override that internal conflict. In some ways, the conflict makes the gratification more intense.

Some non-psychopathic offenders have complex histories of trauma, humiliation, or deep emotional neglect. They aren’t emotionally dead inside—but their empathy may have become selective or compartmentalized. They may feel tender toward animals or family, yet completely dehumanize their victims in a specific context.

For example, someone who was abused as a child might grow up fantasizing about overpowering someone else. These fantasies provide comfort or a sense of control. Over time, they become ritualized—and when acted on, the result isn’t just violence. It’s a performance of dominance. And it feels good.

Not because the person is broken beyond repair. But because in that moment, they feel strong instead of weak, in control instead of helpless.

Others don’t kill because of deep trauma or extreme rage—but because the act becomes part of their identity. The killer sees themselves as a hunter, an avenger, or a dark hero. Sometimes they adopt personal codes or philosophies to justify their actions. This can be especially true when the pleasure comes from the idea of being exceptional—someone who can take life and remain undetected.

It’s not mental illness. It’s not necessarily psychopathy.
It’s self-justified transgression—and it can be terrifyingly deliberate.

This category of offender is often misunderstood or missed entirely, especially when profiling relies too heavily on psychopathy checklists or diagnostic categories. These killers might appear socially appropriate, intelligent, or even kind. And because they don’t “seem crazy,” people assume they couldn’t possibly be capable of such violence. Edmund Kemper was considered likeable by the FBI agents who interviewed him, and prior to his identification, he had a friendly relationship with the local police- often hanging out with them and asking their thoughts on crimes he had committed! We expect serial killers to be monsters we can identify, but many of them come across as friendly, helpful, kind, and likeable.

Key Differences Between Psychopathic & Non-Psychopathic Offenders:

Trait	Psychopathic Offenders	Non-Psychopathic Offenders
Empathy	Severely impaired or absent	Selective or blunted but present
Fantasy Life	Often tied to domination/humiliation	Often tied to identity, control, or escape
Social Mask	Manipulative charm, superficial	May genuinely connect with others
Emotional Response	Cold, flat, calculating	Can show shame, conflict, or guilt
Killing Motivation	Dominance, sadism, thrill-seeking	Control, fantasy fulfillment, ego preservation

I’ve got to be honest, I find it very challenging to tell the difference between a psychopathic sadist and a non-psychopathic sadist. It seems logical that the only people who get pleasure from the pain and suffering of others must be psychopathic, but that’s not the case. I asked AI to help me explain why they might develop those sadistic habits without actually qualifying as a psychopath:

🔪 Sadism ≠ Psychopathy

Sadism is a behavioral tendency or trait.
Psychopathy is a personality disorder (actually, psychopathy is not a diagnosable disorder, but is a set of traits. These traits are most often associated with Cluster B personality disorders like anti-social personality disorder and narcissism). 

• Sadism means the person derives pleasure—emotional, sexual, or psychological—from another’s suffering.
• Psychopathy is defined by a constellation of traits: lack of empathy, superficial charm, impulsivity, callousness, and manipulativeness.

So here’s the key:
➡️ Someone can enjoy hurting others (sadism)
…and still feel guilty about it later.
➡️ Or they may only be sadistic in certain domains (like in fantasy or sex) but otherwise function as emotionally normal people.

So how can that happen?

1. Fantasy conditioning

Some people aren’t born sadistic—they’re trained by their own minds. Over time, their arousal or satisfaction becomes tied to images or fantasies that involve power, suffering, or humiliation.

They may start with fantasies that aren’t violent—but over time they escalate. If the person isolates or lacks real-world intimacy, the fantasies become stronger than real life. Eventually, the line between fantasy and reality blurs.

They’re not necessarily psychopathic—but they’re emotionally invested in control.

2. Righteous sadism

This is scary. Sometimes people believe they’re justified in hurting others. It might be revenge, moral superiority, or ideological belief. The pain they cause feels right, even pleasurable, because they think they’re balancing the scales.

They’re not emotionally numb like a psychopath. In fact, they may feel too much—they’re fueled by anger, betrayal, humiliation. The sadism isn’t born of emotional coldness—it’s born of emotional heat.

3. Role-compartmentalized sadism

Some people only exhibit sadistic behavior in one role—such as during sex, while acting out a fantasy, or when assuming a different “persona.” They may be emotionally present in other parts of life: loving to their kids, polite to coworkers.

Think of it like a dark room in the basement they only visit when the door is unlocked.

These people can have selective empathy. They might not empathize with their victim, but they’ll cry over a lost pet or their daughter’s first day of school.

So what’s the difference between them and psychopaths?

Sadist, not psychopathic	Psychopathic sadist
May feel shame or remorse afterward	Feels no remorse
Empathy might be blunted, but not absent	True lack of empathy across domains
Often acts out due to fantasy buildup, emotional distress, or need for power	May act for amusement, boredom, or to prove superiority
May function well socially outside the crime	Often manipulative, uses charm as a weapon
Emotional “high” from domination, but emotional “crash” can follow	Emotionally flat, no crash—only control matters

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To summarize, someone can be sadistic because:

• Their fantasies have shaped them that way
• They are emotionally intense and want power
• They feel justified
• They only “go there” in specific compartments of life

They don’t have to be psychopathic.
They just have to be human—hurt, angry, lonely, twisted by experience—and willing to stop seeing their victim as fully human.

The Role of Fantasy

One of the main things Ann Burgess, John Douglas, and Robert Ressler (1992) uncovered in their landmark study of serial killers is that they tend to have a rich and elaborate fantasy life that fuels their violent urges from a young age. This fantasy life often develops as a way to cope with chronic emotional emptiness or social rejection. Because they struggle to form meaningful human connections—often due to early trauma, neglect, or an inherent lack of empathy—they retreat inward. Over time, fantasy becomes both a refuge and a rehearsal space, reinforcing their isolation and creating a feedback loop: the more they withdraw, the more vivid and controlling the fantasies become.

As they mature, these fantasies increasingly blend with themes of dominance, control, and violence—particularly for sexual homicide offenders. Research shows that these individuals often experience a long period of escalating internal rehearsal, in which their fantasies become more detailed, more violent, and more arousing. They may also begin engaging in “practice” crimes—such as voyeurism, burglary, animal cruelty, or rape—which both satisfy and intensify their psychological needs. These precursor behaviors serve as behavioral stepping stones on the path to murder, allowing the offender to test boundaries and gain confidence before carrying out the ultimate fantasy. When they do kill, the crime scene often reflects elements of their long-nurtured fantasies—posing victims, taking souvenirs, or reenacting specific imagined scenarios. For many of these offenders, fantasy isn’t just an escape—it’s a form of emotional regulation. When they feel powerless, invisible, or rejected, their internal world gives them control, attention, and dominance.

Disordered Pattern of Thinking

In their research, Burgess, Douglas, and Ressler (1992) found that many serial killers operate under deeply distorted belief systems that allow them to commit violent acts without remorse. These aren’t just momentary lapses in judgment—they’re long-standing mental frameworks built from isolation, fantasy, trauma, and an inability (or refusal) to view others as fully human. Their thinking patterns are fixed, repetitive, and negative.

“Themes of control and dominance over others become a substitute for a sense of mastery of internal and external experience. Consequently, personal motivations, goals, and objectives are shaped by the structure of the cognitive mapping and processing.”

-Ressler, Burgess, & Douglas (1992, p. 73)

Below are some of the most common thinking patterns—and examples of real offenders who exhibited them.

🔻 1. Victim-Blaming

“She was asking for it.”

This is one of the most common rationalizations, especially among sexually motivated killers. By blaming the victim, the offender avoids guilt and reinforces their sense of dominance.

📌 Example: Ted Bundy
Bundy often blamed his victims for his actions, accusing them of being shallow, materialistic, or manipulative. He spoke bitterly about women who reminded him of an ex-girlfriend who rejected him, and framed his rage as a reaction rather than a choice.

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🔻 2. Dehumanization

“They’re not real people.”

By stripping victims of their humanity—reducing them to objects or categories—offenders can commit violence with less internal resistance.

📌 Example: Robert Hansen
Hansen abducted women, flew them into the Alaskan wilderness, and hunted them like animals. He often selected sex workers and runaways—victims he believed society wouldn’t care about—and treated them as disposable prey rather than human beings.

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🔻 3. Entitlement Thinking

“I’m owed this.”

This distortion often shows up in offenders who feel sexually or socially rejected. They believe they are entitled to sex, control, or power—and that taking it is justified.

📌 Example: Dennis Rader (BTK)
Rader described his killings as “projects” and felt entitled to carry them out to satisfy his personal urges. Despite being a husband, father, and church leader, he believed he deserved to indulge his fantasies—no matter the cost to others.

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🔻 4. Magical or Grandiose Beliefs

“I’m special. I have a mission.”

Some serial killers believe they are above ordinary people—chosen for a higher purpose, or immune to consequences. These beliefs can be delusional or simply self-aggrandizing.

📌 Example: Richard Ramirez (The Night Stalker)
Ramirez believed he was serving Satan and that his murders were part of a greater cosmic design. He saw himself as an agent of darkness and frequently referenced demonic forces, which gave him a sense of power and spiritual significance.

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🔻 5. Ritualistic Fixation

“It has to be done this way.”

Over time, some offenders develop strict internal rules or rituals—often rooted in fantasy—that must be followed during the crime. These rituals give them a sense of control, mastery, or emotional release.

📌 Example: Jeffrey Dahmer
Dahmer had elaborate rituals, including photographing victims, preserving body parts, and staging corpses in specific positions. His rituals were tied to intense fantasies of dominance and connection, and deviating from them caused him psychological distress.

Conclusion

Serial killers often feel like a category apart from the rest of us—monsters in human form. But the truth is far more disturbing and, in many ways, more important to understand: they are still human beings. Their crimes are the end result of deep-rooted trauma, disordered thinking, emotional isolation, and fantasies that took on a life of their own. Some were born with neurological wiring that predisposed them to a lack of empathy, while others were emotionally dismantled by abuse, neglect, or chronic rejection. In many cases, it’s both. What sets them apart is not just what they do—but how they rationalize, ritualize, and relive those actions through fantasy and internal justification. By studying them, we are not trying to excuse them—we’re trying to understand how someone becomes so disconnected from the humanity of others. Because the better we understand that, the better we can recognize early warning signs, intervene with compassion where possible, and protect future victims. These aren’t just stories of horror—they are cautionary tales of what can grow in silence, in secrecy, and in suffering that goes unseen.

If you found this post helpful or thought-provoking, please consider sharing it. My mission with Wolves in the Wallpaper is to bring understanding to the darkest corners of human behavior—not to sensationalize, but to learn, prevent, and protect. Also, please feel free to ask questions or respectfully comment your thoughts on the post.

Resources

De Brito, S.A., Forth, A.E., Baskin-Sommers, A.R., Brazil, I.A., Kilmonis, E.R., Pardini, D., Frick, P.J., Blair, R.J.R., Viding, E. (2021). Psychopathy. Nature Reviews: Disease Primers, 7(49).

Perry, B.D. & Winfrey, O. (2021). What happened to you? Conversations on trauma, resilience, and healing. Flatiron Books.

Ressler, K.R., Burgess, A.W., Douglas, J.E. (1992). Sexual homicide: Patterns and motives. The Free Press.